The Supreme Court's decision today in Husted v. A. Philip Randolph Institute upheld Ohio's procedure for removing registered voters from the state's rolls. The vote was 5 to 4. The Justices were split along party lines. All the Republican appointees on one side. All Democratic appointees on the other.
In short, not one Republican Justice found merit in the position of the Democratic Justices. And not one Democratic Justice found merit in the Republicans' position. That, of course, is common with the Court in the last few decades. Certainly on the tough, politically-charged cases. And that doesn't say much for a judicial tribunal whose members are supposed to be neutral, detached, and certainly non-partisan.
This is not about judges--whether on the Supreme Court or some other tribunal--being valueless, disembodied intellects, blind to inequities or other injustices, or unconcerned about the consequences of their decisions. But it is about judges on a court being so polarized along partisan political lines. Not along lines of judicial philosophy, or modes of interpretation, or hierarchy of competing fundamental principles. But split upon the basis of political party and upon the respective political parties' policy preferences.
So in the Husted case, at issue was Ohio's removal of voters who had not been voting and who did not respond to a mailed inquiry. Now, anyone who has been paying any attention to the ongoing debates about voting rights is well aware that Republican and Democratic political officials have been on heated opposite sides. Republican politicians have usually been opposing measures to make registering to vote easier and favoring measures that make actual voting a bit more difficult--typically in the name of reducing voter fraud. Democratic politicians have been opposing and favoring exactly the opposite--typically in the name of protecting the voting rights of minorities, the elderly, and the poor.
And soooooo, before the Husted decision was handed down today, it was a very good bet that the Republican Justices on the Court would vote the way Republican politicians would, and the Democratic Justices the way Democratic politicians would. Indeed, that is precisely how the vote went. 5 Republicans versus 4 Democrats.
The Ohio procedure did result in the removal of voters who had previously been registered. It would even remove some voters who although lawfully registered and still otherwise perfectly eligible to vote, were nevertheless removed without their knowledge and without their wanting to be. On the other hand, Ohio does not remove a voter under its procedure unless 1) there is no "voter activity" for 2 years (i.e., two consecutive years of elections or primaries or even signing a petition, whether federal, state of local), and 2) then there is no response to a mailed notice sent by the state, and 3) then four more years of no voter activity.
Whatever the motivation underlying Ohio's voter removal procedure and whatever the consequences, the legal question in the case was seemingly straightforward: whether the Ohio procedure violated federal law (i.e., the 2002 Help America Vote Act) which says that “no registrant may be removed solely by reason of a failure to vote.” The bare majority of 5 Republican Justices voted no violation; the 4 Democratic Justices said yes.
Speaking through Justice Samuel Alito, the Republican majority focused on the requirement that a voter have failed to respond to the mailed notice as being a reason for removal in addition to the mere failure to vote. So, according to that majority, the Ohio procedure did not violate the federal "failure-to-vote" rule.
Speaking through Justice Stephen Breyer, the 4 Democratic dissenters also focused on the mailed notice but, specifically, on its inadequacy--i.e., it was an unreliable way to determine whether a voter has moved or no longer wished to vote. Hence, the dissenters concluded, the failure to vote was for practical purposes the only reliable basis Ohio was using to remove a voter. (Breyer interwove his argument that federal law required a "reasonable effort" in removal procedures and that the mailed notice was not reasonable.)
Justice Sonia Sotomayor, who joined Breyer's dissenting opinion, also authored a lone one of her own. In it she emphasized the "substantial efforts by States to disenfranchise low-income and minority voters, including programs that purged eligible voters from registration lists because they failed to vote in prior elections." The federal requirements and the Ohio procedures should, according to Sotomayor, be read in light of that history.
Justice Alito's majority opinion dismissed both Breyer's and Sotomayor's arguments as based purely on the dissenters' policy preferences rather than on the only legal question before the Court: whether Ohio had actually violated the federal "failure-to-vote" law.
As anyone but a blind ideologue would recognize, there are strong considerations on both sides of this case. Consider whether Ohio does in fact have some basis other than "failure-to-vote" to remove voters from the rolls? Consider whether that additional basis, the mailed notice and failure to respond, is actually reliable and otherwise reasonable? Consider the history underlying these voter restriction and removal laws and their consequences when interpreting and applying the federal safeguards?
Well, all 5 Republican Justices voted that only the first consideration had any merit. All 4 Democratic Justices disparaged that consideration and found no merit in the majority's failure to give conclusive weight to one of the other considerations.
Again, none of the Republican Justices found merit in the position of the Democrats on the Court. Really? And none of the Democratic Justices found merit in the position of the Republicans. Really? Hmmmm. A polarized, partisan, poor Court.
To be more blunt, an awful Court in my view. Not all the time of course. There are cases, to be sure, where one or more of the Justices will vote with the other party on a politically controversial issue. But when Justice Anthony Kennedy is excluded from consideration, those cases are quite infrequent. On most of these tough, politically-charged cases, its the Republicans versus the Democrats--and we often simply have to see where Kennedy will land.
So maybe, to be more kind and accurate, a polarized, partisan, awful Court, except for Kennedy. And the Husted decision today is another case that demonstrates just that.
Research & Commentary on the Supreme Court, the New York Court of Appeals, More
Showing posts with label Breyer_Stephen. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Breyer_Stephen. Show all posts
Monday, June 11, 2018
Wednesday, May 28, 2014
(Part 11--Sotomayor's & Kagan's Voting) The Supremes' Record in Racial Discrimination Cases: Decisional & Voting Figures for the Roberts Court
Justices Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan, both appointed by President Obama, are the Court's newest members. Sotomayor joined the Court in August 2009. Kagan in August 2010. Consequently, unlike the other Justices whose records we have already reviewed, Sotomayor and Kagan have participated in only a few of the racial discrimination cases decided by the Court under Chief Justice Roberts.
Sotomayor has participated in only 7. Kagan in only 5. That's not much of a record for either Justice. Indeed, the sample is simply too small to tell us anything meaningful for some of the categories of voting we've been considering.
On the other hand, for some categories, the voting patterns for Sotomayor and Kagan are so consistent and so clear that even the relatively small samples are revealing. Let's take a look.
We'll begin with voting on what I've been categorizing as "racial equal protection." As explained in previous posts, this category of voting reflects the degree of support for equal treatment regardless of race--e.g., support for measures to eliminate unequal treatment, whether racial discrimination or racial preferences; support for the enforcement of equal rights and benefits; support for strict equal treatment regardless of whether Whites or Racial Minorities favor the result or may be the beneficiaries in any particular case.
Notably also, in all of these cases but one, the Court was divided 5-4, with the 5 Republican Justices on one side and the 4 Democratic Justices--including Sotomayor and Kagan--on the other. Stated otherwise, in every one of those cases but one, the 5 Republican Justices opposed the enforcement of equal treatment; the 4 Democratic Justices supported it.
Sotomayor has participated in only 7. Kagan in only 5. That's not much of a record for either Justice. Indeed, the sample is simply too small to tell us anything meaningful for some of the categories of voting we've been considering.
On the other hand, for some categories, the voting patterns for Sotomayor and Kagan are so consistent and so clear that even the relatively small samples are revealing. Let's take a look.
We'll begin with voting on what I've been categorizing as "racial equal protection." As explained in previous posts, this category of voting reflects the degree of support for equal treatment regardless of race--e.g., support for measures to eliminate unequal treatment, whether racial discrimination or racial preferences; support for the enforcement of equal rights and benefits; support for strict equal treatment regardless of whether Whites or Racial Minorities favor the result or may be the beneficiaries in any particular case.
(click graphs to enlarge)
GRAPH 1
The figures depicted in graph 1 reflect voting in 5 non-unanimous cases for Sotomayor, and 4 for Kagan. Notably, although the samples are relatively small, both Justices voted in support of strict equal treatment in every one of the cases in which they participated. These involved enforcing voting rights protections, supporting racial discrimination lawsuits, enforcing laws against retaliation, and prohibiting racial preferences in college admissions absent the showing of a compelling need.Notably also, in all of these cases but one, the Court was divided 5-4, with the 5 Republican Justices on one side and the 4 Democratic Justices--including Sotomayor and Kagan--on the other. Stated otherwise, in every one of those cases but one, the 5 Republican Justices opposed the enforcement of equal treatment; the 4 Democratic Justices supported it.
Thursday, May 22, 2014
(Part 10--Alito's Voting) The Supremes' Record in Racial Discrimination Cases: Decisional & Voting Figures for the Roberts Court
Not quite Scalia or Thomas.
Far different from Ginsburg and Breyer.
Not Kennedy either.
But identical to Roberts.
Justice Alito's record and theirs, that is.
White complainants win Alito's votes.
Racial Minority complainants, not so frequently. But more often then they win Scalia's or Thomas's vote.
Those advocating simple equal treatment--i.e., race neutrality, color-blindness, same rights regardless of race--have won his vote about half the time.
Those advocating more specifically for the protection of Racial Minorities have not fared well with him.
Let's look at Alito's record graphically.
Now, to sharpen the focus, let's limit our consideration to those cases that resulted in non-unanimous decisions.
In those closer cases where the Justices were divided, Alito's voting in support of complaints brought by Racial Minorities drops to 29%. His record contrasts sharply with that of Ginsburg and Breyer who voted for the Racial Minority complainant in every one of those cases.
Far different from Ginsburg and Breyer.
Not Kennedy either.
But identical to Roberts.
Justice Alito's record and theirs, that is.
White complainants win Alito's votes.
Racial Minority complainants, not so frequently. But more often then they win Scalia's or Thomas's vote.
Those advocating simple equal treatment--i.e., race neutrality, color-blindness, same rights regardless of race--have won his vote about half the time.
Those advocating more specifically for the protection of Racial Minorities have not fared well with him.
Let's look at Alito's record graphically.
(click graphs to enlarge)
GRAPH 1
As shown in graph 1, Justice Alito--just like the other 4 Republicans on the Court--has voted in favor of the White complainants in every case involving an issue of racial discrimination. By contrast, he usually voted against Racial Minority complainants--again, like the other Republican Justices.Now, to sharpen the focus, let's limit our consideration to those cases that resulted in non-unanimous decisions.
GRAPH 2
Saturday, May 10, 2014
(Part 9--Breyer's Voting) The Supremes' Record in Racial Discrimination Cases: Decisional & Voting Figures for the Roberts Court
Now for Justice Stephen Breyer.
Like Justice Ginsburg, whose record we looked at in the immediately preceding post, Breyer is a President Clinton appointee. Meaning? A Democrat, and much more ideologically liberal than the Republican appointees on the Court.
So we would certainly expect that his voting has been more protective of Racial Minorities than that of Chief Justice Roberts and that of Justices Scalia, Kennedy, and Thomas, who we have focused on previously in this series. Let's see if Breyer's record bears that out. Take a look.
As for upholding complaints brought by Racial Minorities, Breyer's record is identical to Ginsburg's. His voting, like hers, evinces far greater support for the claims involving issues of discrimination suffered by Racial Minorities than that of any of the Republican Justices. And far greater support for complaints brought by Racial Minorities than for those brought by Whites.
Let's now zero in on those closer cases in which the Justices can't agree and must choose sides. Those cases that provide the insight gained from exposing the actual divisions on the Court that unanimous decisions conceal. Here, then, Breyer's record in the divided cases.
Like Justice Ginsburg, whose record we looked at in the immediately preceding post, Breyer is a President Clinton appointee. Meaning? A Democrat, and much more ideologically liberal than the Republican appointees on the Court.
So we would certainly expect that his voting has been more protective of Racial Minorities than that of Chief Justice Roberts and that of Justices Scalia, Kennedy, and Thomas, who we have focused on previously in this series. Let's see if Breyer's record bears that out. Take a look.
(click graphs to enlarge)
GRAPH 1
Breyer voted to uphold complaints brought by Whites (43% of the time) less frequently than did the Republican Justices (100%). But he did vote with them in Fisher v. University of Texas to require the strictest scrutiny of racial affirmative action in higher education admissions. That is, any racial preference can only be justified by proof of a compelling necessity. Breyer thus split, in that case, with Justice Ginsburg who dissented.As for upholding complaints brought by Racial Minorities, Breyer's record is identical to Ginsburg's. His voting, like hers, evinces far greater support for the claims involving issues of discrimination suffered by Racial Minorities than that of any of the Republican Justices. And far greater support for complaints brought by Racial Minorities than for those brought by Whites.
Let's now zero in on those closer cases in which the Justices can't agree and must choose sides. Those cases that provide the insight gained from exposing the actual divisions on the Court that unanimous decisions conceal. Here, then, Breyer's record in the divided cases.
Friday, September 27, 2013
Thomas, Ginsburg, Breyer & Alito - Smith & Pigott (Part 4 of Supremes vs NY Court of Appeals: Judicial Output [with Charts!])
For this post, we're focusing on the judicial output of the next most senior Justices and New York Judges. Specifically, the next 4 senior Justices and next 2 senior Judges. (Because the Supreme Court has 9 members compared to the Court of Appeals' 7, we're looking at 2 additional Supreme Court Justices in this post.)
CHART 1
(click to enlarge)
As is clear from Chart 1, each of the 2 New York Court of Appeals Judges authored far more majority opinions--i.e., opinions written for their Court that decided the case--than did any of the Supreme Court Justices. This is the same kind of sharp contrast that we saw with the other Judges and Justices whose judicial outputs we compared in the previous posts in this series.In those first 3 posts, we looked at last year's opinion output of the 3 most senior members of each court. That is, Chief Justice Roberts and Justices Scalia and Kennedy of the nation's high court; Chief Judge Lippman and Judges Graffeo and Read of New York's. (See Part 3.)
Thus far, the pattern emerging is that the New York Judges collectively wrote significantly more judicial opinions than did the Justices. This is most dramatically true regarding majority opinions. It is also generally true regarding total opinions--i.e., the sum of majorities, separate concurrences, and dissents.
The only exception seen thus far is the total number of opinions authored by Scalia. He wrote more in toto than did New York's Judge Read. Scalia actually wrote only 1/2 as many majority opinions as Read--and even less than that compared to Lippman and Graffeo. But he wrote considerably more concurrences and dissents than did Read. That raised his total somewhat above hers. Other than that, the pattern was uniform.
In this post, we're looking at the judicial output of Clarence Thomas, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Stephen Breyer, and Samuel Alito--the next 4 most senior Justices. And from the New York court, Robert Smith and Eugene Pigott--the next 2 most senior Judges.
What about their total opinions?
CHART 2

Again, the number of total opinions represents the sum of majority + concurring + dissenting opinions. (And as we've specified previously in this series, we're looking at the immediately preceding year at the Supreme Court and the New York Court of Appeals, from summer break 2012 to summer break 2013.)
Tuesday, December 4, 2012
(Part 3--the "Yoots") Court Elders: The Septuagenarian Justices
In parts 1 and 2 of this series, we took a quick look at the 4 septuagenarians currently on the Court--Justices Ginsburg, Scalia, Kennedy, and Breyer. Specifically, we pointed to their ages-- now and when President Obama's 2nd term ends--their ideological leanings, and the likelihood of their retiring in the next 4 years.
[See Court Elders: The Septuagenarian Justices (Part 1), Nov. 21, 2012; (Part 2), Nov. 24, 2012.]
Here's a recap:
[See Court Elders: The Septuagenarian Justices (Part 1), Nov. 21, 2012; (Part 2), Nov. 24, 2012.]
Here's a recap:
(click to enlarge)
In short, their ages range from the oldest, 79 ( Ginsburg), to the youngest, 74 (Breyer); and by the end of Obama's term, 83 to 78. Their years on the Court, by that time, will range from 30 (Scalia) to 22 (Breyer).
As for the remaining 5 Justices, they are all at least 10 years younger than the youngest septuagenarian. Just how young are these relative young-ens (or "yoots," per Joe Pesci's Vinny Gambini in My Cousin Vinny)?
Saturday, November 24, 2012
(Part 2) Court Elders: The Septuagenarian Justices
[Hope everyone had a wonderful Thanksgiving.
Have to mention that I had my 1st Flagel (= flat bagel) at my brother and sister-in-law's. LOVED it!. It's not quite eggplant parm or turkey, but it's awfully good!]
In the last post, we took a look at recent retirees. Three of them. Justices O'Connor, Souter, and Stevens. We then identified the 4 septuagenarians currently on the Court. We looked at 2 of them: Justices Ginsburg and Scalia.
We considered their ages-- now and at the end of re-elected President Obama's next term--the ideological leanings evident from their voting records, and some indications of their readiness or not to retire in the next 4 years. [See Court Elders: The Septuagenarian Justices (Part 1), Nov. 21, 2012.]
Let's now continue with the other 2 Justices who are in their 70's: Kennedy and Breyer.
Anthony Kennedy Conservative, but liberal on some issues.
(click to enlarge)
Justice Kennedy would not seem to be a good bet for retiring too soon.
As all Court watchers are well aware, Justice Kennedy is a generally conservative Justice. But he's not nearly as one-sidedly so as Scalia or Thomas. And being less-rigidly ideological, he is the frequent swing-vote on the Court. In other words, his vote often decides the cases.
Now that surely makes him one of the most powerful people in American government today. He is, perhaps, second only to the President himself. Certainly that is true on constitutional and other legal matters. Likewise on political matters that raise constitutional and other legal issues.
As such, in the most consequential cases before the Court, it is his vote that is most often the most solicited. Both by litigants and by the other Justices.
Wednesday, November 21, 2012
Court Elders: The Septuagenarian Justices (Part 1)
[Back from surgery. All went well, thank you.
And thanks to all the wonderful folks at Albany Med.]
With the re-election of President Obama [Disclosure: I'm unabashedly elated.], thoughts turn to the Supreme Court.
For Court watchers, as well as just about anyone else who follows politics and government, the question of possible Justice retirements and replacements comes to the fore. Four of the Justices are in their 70's. Three will be 80 or older 4 years from now, at the end of the Obama presidency.
For Court watchers, as well as just about anyone else who follows politics and government, the question of possible Justice retirements and replacements comes to the fore. Four of the Justices are in their 70's. Three will be 80 or older 4 years from now, at the end of the Obama presidency.
(click to enlarge)
Those septuagenarians are Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Antonin Scalia, Anthony Kennedy, and Stephen Breyer.
Now let's get one thing straight. This is not a death watch. (Others have engaged in that--explicitly.) Nor is this an illness watch. No. My fervent wish is that all the members of the Court would live long and healthy for double their current ages and beyond. So, No.
But this is about the reality and history of retirements. Leaving the Court for a host of different reasons. And at different ages.
Now let's get one thing straight. This is not a death watch. (Others have engaged in that--explicitly.) Nor is this an illness watch. No. My fervent wish is that all the members of the Court would live long and healthy for double their current ages and beyond. So, No.
But this is about the reality and history of retirements. Leaving the Court for a host of different reasons. And at different ages.
Monday, May 14, 2012
Part 5: Focus on Justice Breyer. (Supreme Court: How Partisan? Ideological? Activist? --with graphs!)
Let's turn to Justice Stephen Breyer.President Clinton's 2d appointee--the 1st being Justice Ginsburg.
And the next longest serving member of the Court--following Scalia, Kennedy, Thomas, and Ginsburg, all of whom have been the subject of one of the previous posts in this series on New York Court Watcher.
[See Supreme Court: How Partisan? Ideological? Activist? (Part 1: Focus on Scalia) --with graphs!, May 1, 2012; Part 2: Focus on Justice Kennedy, May 3, 2012; Part 3: Focus on Justice Thomas, May 6, 2012; Part 4: Focus on Justice Ginsburg, May 10, 2010.]
Let's look at his record the same way we've looked at theirs. So what is it?
What about his voting in those highly partisan-charged cases? You know, the ones involving guns, gays, immigrants, campaign finance, and other issues with deep partisan divides. Take a look.
(click to enlarge)
GRAPH 1
Hmm. Just as one-sided as Ginsburg's, Scalia's, and Thomas's. Identical to Ginsburg's record. 100% partisan liberal Democratic.
That is, Breyer voted in every one of these very highly charged cases just the way Ginsburg did. He voted exactly the way we would expect a very partisan liberal Democratic politician to vote.
That is, Breyer voted in every one of these very highly charged cases just the way Ginsburg did. He voted exactly the way we would expect a very partisan liberal Democratic politician to vote.
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